PDIP NTB Political Communication in Building Loyalty of Cadres and Constituents in Elections
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Nov 30, 2021
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Central Actors, Communication & Information Managament of Internal
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Abstract
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) as a cadre party cannot be separated from the phenomenon of internal competition. In this case, the central actor of PDIP NTB as the leader of a cadre-based nationalist party in areas where the majority of the Muslim community is required to have a communication adaptation strategy at both the cadre and constituent levels. Although PDIP NTB experienced internal competition among cadres in the 2009-2019 election contestation, the role of the central actor of PDIP NTB was able to reduce and maintain the vote acquisition to win seats in the DPR RI Election of NTB. This study aims to see the role of central actors in building political communication to maintain the loyalty of cadres and constituents in facing the 2009-2019 DPR RI elections. Through the analysis of Political Public Relations (McNair, 2011), this article focuses on the communication role of the central actor in PDIP NTB. in maintaining the loyalty of cadres and constituents to win the legislative seats of the DPR RI in the 2009-2019 elections. This article is a qualitative research based on primary and secondary data in the form of direct interviews to four informant and a collection of official documents explaining the role of the central actor in PDIP NTB. This study argues that, the role of the central elite with the ability of political communication through the use of various internal communication channels and good information management as well as forming the loyalty of cadres and constituents is able to gain seat of DPR RI in the 2009-2019 elections.
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Ramdhani, N. and Anggraini, R. . . (2021) “PDIP NTB Political Communication in Building Loyalty of Cadres and Constituents in Elections”, Jurnal Mantik, 5(3), pp. 2081-2100. Available at: https://iocscience.org/ejournal/index.php/mantik/article/view/1870 (Accessed: 19April2026).
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[53] Syaf, E. J. (2017). Pertarungan Simbol Etnis sebagai Komunikasi Politik dalam Pilkada Kota Makasar. Kareba: Jurnal Komunikasi, 6(2), 215-224.
[54] Tomsa, D. (2007). Party Politics and the Media in Indonesia: Creating a New Dual Identity for Golkar. Contemporary Southeast Asia, 29(1), 77-69.
[55] Tomsa, D. (2014). Party System Fragmentation in Indonesia: The Subnational Dimension. Journal of East Asian Studies, 14, 249-278.
[56] Tomsa, D., & Ufen, A. (2013). Party Politics in Southeast Asia: Clientilsm and Electoral Competition in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philipines. Oxon: Routledge.
[57] Utama, B. S. (2019). Pergeseran Dominasi Jaringan Elit Politik Lokal di Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Barat Pasca Orde Baru: Studi Kasus Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Nusa Tenggara barat Tahun 1998-2018 (Tesis ed.). Depok: Fisip Universitas Indonesia.
[58] Wring, D. (2001). Power as well as Persuation: Political Communication and Party Development. In J. Bartle, & D. Griffiths, Political Communication Transformed from Morison to Mandelson (pp. 35-53). New York: Palgrave.
[2] Alhamid, A., & Perdana, A. (2018). Presidentialized Party di Indonesia: Kasus Perilaku PDIP dalam Pencalonan Joko Widodo pada Pilpres 2014. Jurnal Politik, 3(2), 237-263.
[3] Aminuddin, F. M., & Ramadlan, M. F. (2015). Match-All Party: Pragmatisme Politik dan Munculnya Spesies Baru Partai Politik di Indonesia Pasca Pemilu 2009. Jurnal Politik, 1(1), 39-74.
[4] Argenti, P. A. (2008). Corporate Communication (4 ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill/Irwin.
[5] Arumsari, N. (2017). Komunikasi Politik Kepala Desa dalam Mendorong Inovasi Pembangunan Desa: Studi Kasus Tiga Desa di Lereng Gunung Ungaran, Jawa Tengah. Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 2(1), 86-99.
[6] Aspinall, E. (2014). Indonesia’s 2014 Elections: Parliament and Patronage. Journal of Democracy, 25(4), 96-110.
[7] Aspinall, E., & Fealy, G. (2003). Local Power & Politics in Indonesia: decentralization & Democratisation. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
[8] Aspinall, E., & Mietzner, M. (2014). Indonesian Politics in 2014: Democracy’s Close Call. Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, 60(3), 347-369.
[9] Brink, P. J. (1991). Issues of realibility and validity. In J. Morse, Qualitative nursing research: A contemporary research (pp. 164-186). London: Sage.
[10] Buehler, M. (2007). Local Elite Reconfiguration in Post-New Order Indonesia: the 2005 election of district government heads in South Sulawesi. Review of Indonesia and Malaysian Affairs, 41(1), 119-147.
[11] Bungin, B. (2007). Penelitian KualitatifL Komunikasi, Ekonomi, Kebijakan Publik dan Ilmu Sosial Lainnya. Jakarta: Predana Media Grup.
[12] Bünte, M., & Ufen, A. (2009). Democratization in Post-Suharto Indonesia. Oxon: Routledge.
[13] Choi, N. (2007). Elections, Partues and Elites in Indonesia’s Local Politics. South East Asia Research, 15(3), 352-354.
[14] Choi, N. (2011). Local Politics in Indonesia: Pathways to Power. Oxon: Routledge.
[15] Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research Design: Pendekatan Kualitatif, Kuantitatif, dan Mixed. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.
[16] Diamond, L., & Gunther, R. (2001). Political Partie and Democracy. London: The John Hopkins University Press.
[17] Djuyandi, Y. (2017). Komunikasi Politik Tim Pemenangan Hendra Hemeto dalam Pemilihan Ketua DPD II Partai Golkar Kabupaten Gorontalo Periode 2016-2021. Jurnal Wacana Politik, 2(1), 10-21.
[18] Evera, S. v. (1997). Guided to Methods for Students of Political Science. Itaca: Cornell University Press.
[19] Gazali, E. (2004). Interaksi Politik dan Media: Dari Komunikasi Politik ke Politik Komunikasi. Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, 8(1), 53-74.
[20] Ghazali, E. (2011). Menuntut Kelengkapan Peran Media: Tidak Hanya Membawa Tetapi Juga Membongkar. Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, 14(3), 275-296.
[21] Hadiz, V. R. (2003). Reorganizing Political Power in Indonesia: A Reconsideration of so-called ‘democratic transition. The Pacific Review.
[22] Honna, J. (2012). Inside the Democrat Party: Power, Politics and Conflict in Indonesia’s Presidential Party. South Asia Research, 20(4), 473-489.
[23] Ingleson, J. (1983). Jalan ke Pengasingan: Pergerakan Nasionalis Indonesia Tahun 1927-1934. Jakarta: LP3ES.
[24] Kahin, G. M. (2013). Nasionalisme & Revolusi Indonesia. Depok: Komunitas Bambu.
[25] Karp , J. A., & Banducci, S. A. (2007). Party Mobilization and Political Participation in New and Old Democracies. Party Politics, 13(2), 217-234.
[26] Karp, J. A., & Banducci, S. A. (2007). Party Mobilization and Political Participation in New and Old Democracies. Party Politics, 13(2), 1-27.
[27] Kawamura, K. (2013). Presidentialism and Political Parties in Indonesia: Why Are All Parties Not Presidentialized. IDE Discussion Paper, 409.
[28] Kunyanti, S. A., & Mujiono, M. (2021). Community Empowerment-based Corporate Social Responsibility Program in Panglima Raja Village. International Journal on Social Science, Economics and Art, 11(1), 12-19.
[29] Levine, A. S., & Kam, C. D. (2016). Organizations, Creadibility and The Psychologi of Collective Action. Political Communication, 1-23.
[30] Magenda, B. D. (1989). The surviving Aristocracy in Indonesia: Politics in Three Provinces of The Outer Islands (Disertasi ed.). Itaca: Cornell University.
[31] Maulina, N., Atika, & Sari, N. N. (2019). Strategi Komunikasi Politik Calon Legislatif Perempuan dalam Memperoleh Dukungan Publik pada Pemilihan Legislatif Tahun 2019 di Kalimantan Selatan. Jurnal Penelitian Pers dan Komunikasi Pembangunan, 23(2), 109-126.
[32] McNair, B. (2011). An Introduction to Political Communication (4 ed.). London: Routledge.
[33] Mietzner, M. (2016). Coecing Loyalty: Coalitional Presidentialism and Party Politics in Jokowi’s Indonesia. Contemporary Southeast Asia, 38(2).
[34] Nainggolan, B., & Wahyu, Y. (2016). Kompaspedia Partai Politik Indonesia 1999-2019: Konsentrasi dan Dekonsentrasi Kuasa. Jakarta: Kompas Media Nusantara.
[35] Narendra, R. A. (2011). Strategi Komunikasi Politik Pasangan Bambang-Icek dalam Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Grobogan Tahun 2011. Jurnal Politika, 1-14.
[36] Nasir, N. (2016). Electoral Votality dalam Perspektif Kelembagaan Partai Politik Indonesia: Sebuah Analisis Hubungan Partai Politik dengan Konstituen. Jurnal Politik Profetik, 4(1), 37-65.
[37] Nedelmann, B. (1987). Individuals and parties-changes in processes in political mobilization. European Sociological Review, 3(3), 181-202.
[38] Norris, P. (2000). A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Postindustrial Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[39] Norris, P. (2004). Electoral Enginering: Voting Rules and Political Behavior. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[40] NTB, K. P. (2004). Rekapitulasi Hasil Perhitungan Suara Pemilu Legislatif 2004 untuk DPR Daerah Pemilihan Nusa Tenggara Barat. Mataram: Sekretariat KPUD NTB.
[41] NTB, K. P. (2009). Rincian Perolehan Suara Partai Politik dan Calon Anggota DPR dan Suara Tidak Sah di KPU Provinsi. Mataram: Sekretariat KPUD NTB.
[42] NTB, K. P. (2014). Sertifikat Hasil Perhitungan Perolehan Suara Dari Setiap Kabupaten di Tingkat Provinsi dalam Pemilihan Anggota DPR tahun 2014. Mataram: Sekretariat KPUD NTB.
[43] Nurul, Q. (2015). Strategi Komunikasi Politik dan Pemenangan Pasangan Muhammad Ramadhan Pomanto- Syamsu Rizal dalam Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Makasar Tahun 2013. Kritis: Jurnal Sosial Ilmu Politik, 1(2), 231-238.
[44] Pattiasina, H. Y. (2015). Strategi Komunikasi Politik PDI Perjuangan Kabupaten Maluku Tengah pada Pemilu 2014. Jurnal Penelitian Komunikasi dan Opini Publik, 19(1), 17-28.
[45] Patton, M. Q. (2001). Qualitative and Evaluation Methods (3nd ed.). London: Sage Publication Inc.
[46] Purnama, A. A. (2019). Strategi Menjaga Konstituen: Studi Kasus Anggota DPR RI 2014-2019 Daerah Pemilihan Jawa Tengah I. Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, 10(2), 199-217.
[47] Putra, F. E. (2020). Revolusi Komunikasi dan Perubahan Sosial (Dampak Pandemi Covid-19 pada Mahasiswa). Kareba: Jurnal Komunikasi, 9(2), 267-281.
[48] Putri, P. S., Hasrullah, & Nadjib, M. (2018). Artis dan Pilkada (Politic Marketing Pemenangan Hidayat-Sigit pada Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Palu). Kareba: Jurnal Komunikasi, 7(1), 23-29.
[49] Qalbi, N. (2015). Strategi Komunikasi Politik dan Pemenangan Pasangan Muhammad Ramdhan Pomato - Syamsu Rizal dalam Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Makasar Tahun 2013. Kritis: Jurnal Sosial Ilmu Politik, 1(2), 22-45.
[50] Scheller, S. (2019). The Strategic Use of Fear Appeals in Political Communication. Political Communication, 1-23.
[51] Sebastian, A. P. (2019). Informing The Public: How Party Communication Buid Oppurtinity Structures. Political Communication, 1-21.
[52] Sjamsudin, N. (1984). PNI dan Kepolitikkannya. Jakarta: CV Rajawali.
[53] Syaf, E. J. (2017). Pertarungan Simbol Etnis sebagai Komunikasi Politik dalam Pilkada Kota Makasar. Kareba: Jurnal Komunikasi, 6(2), 215-224.
[54] Tomsa, D. (2007). Party Politics and the Media in Indonesia: Creating a New Dual Identity for Golkar. Contemporary Southeast Asia, 29(1), 77-69.
[55] Tomsa, D. (2014). Party System Fragmentation in Indonesia: The Subnational Dimension. Journal of East Asian Studies, 14, 249-278.
[56] Tomsa, D., & Ufen, A. (2013). Party Politics in Southeast Asia: Clientilsm and Electoral Competition in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philipines. Oxon: Routledge.
[57] Utama, B. S. (2019). Pergeseran Dominasi Jaringan Elit Politik Lokal di Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Barat Pasca Orde Baru: Studi Kasus Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Nusa Tenggara barat Tahun 1998-2018 (Tesis ed.). Depok: Fisip Universitas Indonesia.
[58] Wring, D. (2001). Power as well as Persuation: Political Communication and Party Development. In J. Bartle, & D. Griffiths, Political Communication Transformed from Morison to Mandelson (pp. 35-53). New York: Palgrave.
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